Canadian Corps letter

Front of 1st page

Front of 1st page

Name/Title

Canadian Corps letter

Entry/Object ID

2024.005.180

Tags

Letters

Description

A letter showing support for WW2 and offering enrollment in the cause

Subject

WW2 armed forces

Subject Person/Organization

Canadian Corps Association

Cataloged By

Victoria Stewart

Letter Details

Letter Date

Dec 5, 1939

Time Period

20th Century

Sender

Name

Sons and daughters of the Canadian Corps

Primary Language

English

Transcription

Transcription

December 5th, 1939. Canada is at war. She is fully committed but not yet engaged. It is a strange war and nowhere more strange than in Canada. It is strange not so much because predictions made beforehand were not fulfilled. Death dealing fleets of airplanes have not raided England. All is quiet on the Western Front. It is strange because, in spite of floods of news, we know comparatively little about it. Its cause is plain to all and has been for some years, but its possible scope and end are obscure. An almost frivolous optimism in high places does not combine readily with the thought of Stygian darkness in London and restrictions more rigid than any imposed in the Great War. It seems strange to us to see conscription in effect in Britain, a million men under arms, and to be told here that men are not required. Is it possible that English and Scottish mothers are saying "We have boys enough. Canadians are not needed". The Canadian Corps made a reputation in the Great War which makes this thought untenable. It is strange because we are told that we are to be the workshop of the Empire and yet not a wheel is turning. We are to be the granary of the Empire and our wheat is held at a prohibitive price.It is a strange war when Ex-service men, experienced in war, fit and willing, can find no warlike employment. It is a strange war on many counts. It is not least strange, when patriotic men of sound judgment and experience, at their own expense and as individuals try to plumb the depths of its obscurity. They are made targets for ridicule and slander by the very agencies which should enlighten us. Colonel Reynolds had this experience and I do not have to tell this audience that he is patriotic, of sound judgment and experienced. He was eminently fitted to make an investigation at the centre of things, and did so. He did so as Colonel C.E. Reynolds, and as nothing else. He went with an ex-soldier with a distinguished war record, Major V.D. Horridge, D.3.0. with bar. Major Horridge's patriotism has never boon impugned. Colonel Reynolds has never been a party man. They were two distinguished Ex-soldiers eager to serve the interests of this country and the Empire. On their return they issued a joint statement to the Canadian Press which, for reasons apparent to all thoughtful Canadians was misinterpreted and sneered at. It is not thus that Canada will be brought to a realization of the serious test confronting her. What did they find out as revealed by the statement? In the first place that the Empire has a real job on its hands. This has not been realized. How could it be when we are told by a high military authority that we are winning the war comfortably. How could it be when a member of the Canadian Government says that we will make a moderate contribution. No token payment will do in this war. The situation demands our full strength whole-heartedly applied. Less will not save us from the freedom-hating hordes intent on our destruction. This war is not merely a struggle to be ended by an uneasy peace. It is & fight for the continued existence of the Empire. It is a fight for freedom. If the Empire falls, freedom perishes from the earth. Not in America would it long survive. Before a Europe and an Asia raging brown and red it would go down. Make no mistake, the bear that walks like a man is still our foe. He has become not less but more deadly. Under the Tsar we knew where to look for him. Now every free country is menaced by him from within. Three months ago Nazi and Red were at daggers drawn. Today they have formed a wary friendship. Tomorrow who can say they will not be marching together towards the west. Hitler will adopt any means to win. If communism is the price, he will pay it. If necessary, Germany will go Communist. It is a short step and Hitler will take it. But do not be deceived. This is no war against Hitler, nor even against Hitlerism. He is merely the symbol of a basic arrogance and brutality bent on domination. Wipe Hitler out and that spirit still remains. Mr. Chamberlain took note of this, and for the first time, in his latest speech, he made it clear that we are fighting more than Hitler, and confidential information out of Germany reinforces that belief. Hitler may disappear and likely will, but the arrogance of German military might, will not again, without exhausting every moons, accept defent. As Mr. Chamberlein has said "If the German people can be convinced that that spirit is as bad for themselves as it is for the rest of the world, they will abandon it". They must be made to abandon it. Backed by Russia they will be hard to convince, but they must be convinced. Gentlemen, at this point, I want to make a prediction. I do so knowing that I invite abuse and ridicule. Lord Roberts was not daunted by much considerations, nor am I. As baldly and clearly as possible, then, I predict a full military alliance of Germany and Russia against us. When in England, Col. Reynolds could have made this prediction with equal assurance on the basis of information he there obtained. Today it is even more certain. Reflection on the policies and trends in these two countries in recent years supports the logic of my position. Russia under Lenin and Trotsky, went all out for world revolution, the destruction above all of freedom loving peoples. Under Stalin the change was in method, not objective. There is nothing inconsistent with this policy in her attacks on Poland and Finland. These are merely the acts of an opportunist without conscience, or honour. Russia will aid Germany while remaining aloof from the major conflict. She will step in with all her resources when she can do so as the senior partner, and when the democracics are spent. Germany calls herself a national socialistic state, but socialism has little place in her philosophy. Her antagonism to Russia in former years was not due to incompatible political creeds but rather to racial antipathy. It is becoming more and more evident that there is little to distinguish them politically while they are certainly at one in their hatred of all we mean by democracy. They will combine and we shall have to conquer both. Be very sure, the Empire has a real job on its hands. No makeshift peace, no compromise will do. We must be assured of lasting peace and peace will come only through a proper application of our might. The peace must be just, not vindictive. Hard common sense must govern it. Neither sentimentality nor malice will lead to enduring ponce. Dealing with the German mentality and Russian philosophy, it must be necessarily stern, As yet they understand only the rule of the iron hand. This makes essential that we look carefully at our peace aims. To assure a lasting peace, we must act together. To maintain the peace, we must remain an integrated whole. To maintain the peace - yes. But what sort of peace? It must not be based on hair-line adjustments of balance of power. It must not depend on the careful weighing of conflicting armaments. An international fire brigade, always alert to quench an incipient blaze is not the answer. Only a peace which permits and encourages international confidence will serve. Altruism failed after the Great War. It was taken for a sign of weakness. Practical idealism must be strong to be effective, and a working example alone will bring conviction. It is the Empire's task to show the way. In order that the British Commonwealth of Nations may put forth its maximum offort in this conflict and after, it must function as a unit. The whole Empire must pull together. To attain this co-operation a supreme Council of Empire must be formed. In the Great War a War Council successfully co-ordinated cur effort, and an Empire Council would do so again in war or peace. A conference in London should be called at once. Premiers from all the Dominions would attend. From this conference should result an Empire Council. Deriving its authority from Parliament, it would be supreme in intra-Empire co-ordination. The Empire then would function as an integrated whole. The strain of war would be rationally distributed and peace would offer some assurance that our efforts to attain it through the grim business of war had not been made in vain. Our war aims are simple. They are nothing more than making innocuous the brutal, imoral forces that oppose us. Our peace aims are complex. A prolonged armistico will not suffice. To secure just and lasting peace, Empire solidarity is vital. This will be assured through the medium of the Supreme Council of Empire. This Council, perpetuated as on agency of permanent policy, will maintain the peace. It will also bring all parts of the Empire into closer relation to the benefit of all. This is not an isolationist movement. Rather is it a step towards world integration in the economic sense. All those nations and races whose ideals are freedom and independence will be drawn together to their mutual advantage. Fair play and justice may then replace throats of force in a world armed to the teeth. Our peace aims must be clearly seen. To attain them we must first win this war. Were we wholeheartedly at war, evidences would be obvious. Where are they? A token army, first class as to personnel but unequipped, brings no conviction. Australia, with half our population, is training five divisions and has conscription now. Britain has had it from the first. Only in Canada do we hear that men are not required. Is this credible? We know that millions of men are missed in Europe. These men are needed, so why not Canadians? We are being misled. This Association has demanded National Service for manpower, wealth and industry. More than ever are we convinced that this is necessary. We are told by every agency of propagande that every effort on our part is being exerted to the full. We are told by the same agencies, to explain our lack of action, that we are doing all that has been asked of us. If that were all, we would be doing nothing. When has Britain asked anything from us? She has accepted gladly but never asked. What would be the heartening effect on Britain, what the moral stimulus to the whole world, if Canada, even now, were to say "we are in this war with everything we have" and, by her acts, confirm it. Doing our bit in the Empire, we would be giving leadership to the new world. The Americas look to us for a sign. We are the House of the Interpreter. Our destiny is great if we fail not to fulfill it. If we are hesitant and dilatory, can the United States believe in the justice of our cause? Can they see the necessity for action? Not until Canada once more unsheathes her sword, will we regain our place in the esteen of the United States. That country is preparing but as yet unprepared. A vigorous Canadian effort will awaken her to reality. By our example, she may get ready. We are told of the vast sums that we are spending. Appropriations have been made but have orders yet been issued? We will not win this war with box cars. It was wheat, not war, that made them necessary. Mr. Roosevelt wants the St. Lawrence Ship Canal. We are told it is a vital war necessity. A project requiring seven years to build and costing many millions is vital to success. This is a pessimistic point of view. It does jibe though with long established usage. Public works as a sure way to preferment. Post Offices in the Prairie Provinces - How the great beast along the West Wall must tremble. Money for political fences, little for wire entanglements. Gentlemen, it simply will not do. It will not do in war time and never again must be condoned. The word must be "Action Front" and neither official fear, ner sophistry, must ever again make us turn back until victory is ours. It is your task, the task of every one of you, to make this clear. The Ex-service men of Canada have tremendous power for good. They are the disciplined element of our people and God knows we need discipline. They have been uncomplaining, steady and unselfish. For this they have deserved the gratitude of the country no less than they earned it in the Great War. Then you brought Canada honour, now you may save her very existence. We are threatened insidiously from within. You must meet the challenge and repel it. Combined you can do much and together you must stand in this time of danger. Make your voice heard for the King, for Canada and the Empire. Demand that we give full, enthusiastic and effective co-oporation and all will yet be well. You remember a gallant gentleman and a lovely lady who honoured us in May. You saw them through tears in your eyes. Tears of love and loyalty. What one of you will deny it. What you felt then is filling your hearts today. What man of you would not gladly die in the mud of France or Flanders to uphold them A Canadian has written: O lovely lady! Ere you go Hear us pledge our stendfest will Should danger come from any foe Stands Canada, your champion still. Queen of our hearts, your lightest word Can make our faith a gleaming sword. In God's name, let us once more make Canada's sword gleam in the forefront of battle. Let us help to win to an enduring peace and a strong and united Empire. You hold the torch. It is yours to see that it flames with a now lustre. We have a job to do. In steadfastness and faith, let us be about it. GOD SAVE THE KING!

Transcriber

Victoria Stewart

Language

English

Dimensions

Height

18 cm

Width

21.5 cm

Weight

27.6 g

Parts

Count

11

Parts

11 seperate pages, numbered